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India and the Question of Representation

Nathan Marcus Lobow

The Indian parliament is the supreme legislative authority in the country. It is divided into two houses- the Rajya Sabha (upper house) and the Lok Sabha (lower house). For over seven decades India’s system of federalism and parliamentary democracy has been the glue holding this large, rich and diverse nation together. While almost all its neighbours have had or continue to have flings with a dictatorship or military rule, India through days dark and stormy has held on to its undying belief in democracy. However, this system faces a grave challenge up ahead in the form of state representation at the centre.

       

It is roughly estimated that the northern states of India have around double the population of the southern states, while contributing only around half the national GDP of the south. Thus, while political representation is heavily rooted in the north, the economic powerhouse of India lies to the west and the south. As per article 82 of the Indian constitution, “Upon the completion of each census, (which happens every decade starting from 1951) the allocation of seats in the house of the people (Lok Sabha) and the division of each state into constituencies shall be readjusted…”. 

         

As per the 1971 census, the population stood at around 548 million and revision of seats as per the census due in1976. However, due to the advent of the emergency and the imposed birth control measures, the then Indira Gandhi led government, postponed the revision to the 2001 census so as to not punish sates for implementing proper birth control measures. This was further extended in 2002 through a constitutional amendment, to push the revision as per the 2031 census.

            

This has led to a huge discrepancy in the allocation of seats due to the outdated census (the population now stands at 1.3 billion more than double as that of the 1971 census). As per the 2011 census, it is estimated that states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar which have seen the population balloon, are underrepresented in the parliament by around 6-8 seats, while states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu, which have implemented successful birth control measures, are overrepresented by 5-7 seats. Surely states like karalla and Tamil Nadu, will argue that they should not be punished for curbing excess population growth, which has led to economic growth, while Bihar and Uttar Pradesh claim that the principle of “One person, one vote is a central tenet of Indian democracy.

              

As per the amendments made to article 82, the next allocation for seats will be made only after the 2031 census. However, this can again be put off by a constitutional amendment to delay facing a hard choice. This policy of “kicking the can” and self-imposed inertia is bound to cause disparities between states in the future and landslides in shifts of balance of power.

              

Some suggest that rather than reduce seats for certain states, it is rather feasible to increase the total number of seats in the Lok Sabha. This estimate say would require a strength of 848 seats, which would result in the Lok Sabha becoming the largest lower house in any democratic country. This proposal if implemented, would result in states like Uttar Pradesh receiving a whooping 143 seats in parliament while Kerala would still remain on 20. However, such an arrangement is bound to exacerbate the divide in political power between the north and the south leaving southern regional parties playing a faint role at the centre.


 Another possible solution (personally my most ideal) is reforming India’s upper house (Rajya Sabha). While reforming the Lok Sabha to ensure proportional representation, their needs to be a radical measure undertaken in the form of fixed representation in the Rajya Sabha. Such a system is not uncommon in democracies and one that comes to mind is the US senate. This ensures that southern and eastern states are not punished for curbing population growth. Additionally, allows these southern and eastern states to lobby together at the centre to pursue regional interests in a system whose politics for long has been unfavourable to them. This entire proposition softens the opposition to reform in the Lok Sabha and appreciates the necessity for interstate debate at the Rajya Sabha.

        

However, the debate flows, there clearly should not be any more delay on the issue. The longer the wait, the higher the risk run of inter state disgruntlement and more importantly the higher the damage to India’s system of representation- a vital, albeit imperfect element of India’s democratic longevity.

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